Terms such as prostitution, prostitute, sexual deviant, and sex worker are both descriptions of this social phenomenon and value judgments about it.
I. Definition Discussion
According to Roman law, prostitution is the indiscriminate, pleasureless, and paid offering of one's body (Horland Ketchadourian, 1989: 676). Japan's Prostitution Prevention Act defines prostitution as sexual intercourse with an unfixed partner for a price or with a promise to accept a price (Zhang Ping, 1992: 253). The simplest definition is paid sexual services. American scholar Douglas argues that the compensation for prostitution is neither sexual nor emotional; prostitutes are women who sell the right to have sex with men in exchange for monetary compensation for the act itself. This is a broad view (Douglas et al., 1987: 205). Proponents of this view divide prostitutes into typical and atypical types. Prostitutes who engage in prostitution for direct monetary compensation are considered typical (also called "qualified") prostitutes; those who engage in prostitution for other material advantages, job transfers, salary increases, better housing, or to enhance their social status are considered atypical prostitutes. Prostitution is also discriminated against in Western society, and prostitution is considered shameful. To avoid social condemnation and public criticism, prostitutes often go to great lengths to conceal their non-sexual motives (Leonard Seyvets, 1988: 45). This type of definition is often supported by Western feminists, but it is overly broad, as it includes marital relationships maintained by money, casual romantic relationships, and brief acts of debauchery, clearly overly broad. This type of definition lacks discernment and complicates and exaggerates prostitution, a uniquely deviant sexual behavior, undoubtedly making social governance more difficult.
Ian Robertson argues that prostitution is a relatively casual sexual act undertaken for financial gain (Robertson, 1988: 324). He further distinguished that not all sexual activity for financial gain constitutes prostitution, such as those who marry for money, actresses who crave fame and have affairs with directors, and wives who use sex to collect checks or cash from their husbands. True prostitution is the willingness to sell one's body to anyone for money. This is a narrow view.
Prostitution, as a deviant form of sexual behavior, exemplifies the commodification of personality and sexual rights. Its most basic elements are: ① The seller conditionally sells their sexual rights and provides sexual services; ② Cash transactions are usually mediated, supplemented by other material benefits; ③ The buyer and seller of sex engage in a voluntary exchange of interests; ④ The buyers and sellers are primarily opposite-sex individuals, with some being same-sex; and ⑤ There is generally no emotional exchange or mutual care between the buyer and seller. Therefore, prostitution is the voluntary provision of one's body for payment to satisfy the sexual needs of others. Prostitutes are sexual service providers who sell their sexual rights, while consumers are the customers of sexual services. In my country, officially licensed prostitutes are traditionally called prostitutes, while unofficial prostitutes are called prostitutes. Currently, my country's system prohibits the existence of open prostitution, and formally, all prostitutes are considered secret prostitutes. However, in research and real life, there is no strict distinction between the terms for this type of sexual deviance; prostitutes and prostitutes can be used interchangeably, as they essentially involve selling sexual rights and providing sexual services.
Sociologists use neutral terms in their research: female sex workers (FSWs) and male sex workers (MSWs). Female sex workers are generally referred to as "young ladies" (小姐), which include the following two categories: ① Sex service providers, defined in a narrow sense, include those currently providing direct sexual services (commonly referred to as "coming out"), i.e., those who personally come out to perform services, or those who work in venues specifically dedicated to providing sexual services. ② Sex workers refer to a broad range of sex workers, including those currently engaged in escort services, opposite-sex massage, striptease performances, and those who offer sexual services disguised as companionship, babysitting, or hourly services (Huang Yingying and Pan Suiming, 2003).
II. Historical Ups and Downs
Guo Zhenyi, in his book "Chinese Women's Issues," recorded that the peak period of prostitution in Beijing was between the fifth and sixth years of the Republic of China. In 1917, there were 3,887 public prostitutes (Guo Zhenyi, 1937: 23). Furthermore, according to British sociologist S. D. Ganble's "Beijing Social Survey," there were no fewer than 7,000 private prostitutes in Beijing at the time, totaling 10,000 public and private prostitutes (Chen Feng et al., 1991: 358). A 1920 survey by the Shanghai Municipal Council reported a total of 60,141 prostitutes. In 1949, just before Shanghai's liberation, there were still over 800 registered brothels, with approximately 100,000 prostitutes, both public and private, and disguised. In 1917, Gamble conducted a survey of eight major cities worldwide, finding the ratio of prostitutes to urban population to be: London 1:314, Berlin 1:582, Paris 1:481, Chicago 1:437, Nagoya 1:314, Tokyo 1:277, Beijing 1:259, and Shanghai 1:137 (Chen Feng et al., 1991: 366). In the past, prostitutes fell into decline mostly due to family misfortune and poverty. They were victims, subject to both physical and mental torture. On the one hand, they endured the abuse of sexual consumers, the deprivation of pimps, the oppression of evil forces, and the torment of venereal diseases; on the other hand, they also endured mental torture. In a cultural atmosphere where "lust is the root of all evil," they were labeled "whores," "bitches," and "bitches." Prostitutes paid a heavy price in physical and emotional rupture for the meager privilege of remaining in this world. Prostitutes were the most vulnerable segment of society at the bottom of society at the time, and few offered humane sympathy for their suffering and humiliation. Women labeled "prostitutes" often found it impossible to return to normal society.
After the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, banning prostitution became a crucial task in major cities across China as part of the liberation of the people and the eradication of the filth of the old society. In Nanjing, a Kuomintang stronghold, on November 29, 1949, the Municipal Public Security Bureau convened a meeting of over 500 prostitutes and brothel owners in the Dashiba area, where prostitutes were concentrated. The meeting emphasized that prostitutes should return to good professions, and brothel owners should not interfere. Following the meeting, prostitutes flocked to quit their jobs (Yanxin, 1992: 74). Upon the liberation of Shanghai, once known as the "capital of prostitutes," the government immediately set about eliminating the pathological prostitution system. Prostitution was declared illegal, and brothels were required to register with the Public Security Bureau. Human trafficking and forced prostitution were strictly prohibited. Brothel owners were prohibited from exploiting, oppressing, and abusing prostitutes. Brothel owners were required to treat prostitutes for venereal diseases and help them change careers. Lane Women's Federations actively organized prostitutes to participate in various social activities. At the end of 1951, the Shanghai People's Congress passed a resolution to close down brothels and ban prostitution. A prostitute handling committee was established, along with a women's reformatory, complete with a hospital and a learning and labor workshop. A reformation team composed of cadres from the Municipal Women's Federation and the Municipal Public Security Bureau carried out the arduous and meticulous work of educating and reforming prostitutes. Their approach included transferring penicillin, a highly effective drug that was in short supply, from the army to treat the prostitutes. They also organized cultural and educational activities to help reform the prostitutes' distorted day-to-day lifestyles and their tendency to be lazy and unwilling to work. They also organized cultural studies, production techniques, and life lessons for the prostitutes, cultivating them into self-reliant workers. The women's reformatory adhered to the principle of reforming a group of prostitutes and then placing a group of prostitutes in a new position. By the end of 1958, over 7,000 prostitutes had been rehabilitated. Over 1,000 of them had signed up for farm work, over 2,400 had found relatives in rural areas, over 1,100 had found work in Shanghai neighborhoods, factories, and enterprises, over 600 had entered welfare institutions, and over 200 frail and elderly women had been placed in relief agencies. In the late 1950s, the Shanghai Civil Affairs Bureau conducted a survey of several units within the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps, finding that 95% of the workers met their production quotas, 30% of whom achieved outstanding performance, 15% became skilled workers, and 6% joined the Party and the League (Yanxin, 1992: 80). The Shanghai prostitute rehabilitation program epitomized and vividly portrayed prostitute rehabilitation efforts in New China. The socialist system's ability to transform the old society's degenerate into a new type of laborer earned global admiration for New China's "work to rehabilitate lost women." At the same time, in 1949 alone, 8,400 brothels were closed nationwide, and comprehensive education and management measures were implemented for sex consumers. It's estimated that at the founding of the People's Republic of China, there were over 10 million venereal disease sufferers on the mainland. By the late 1950s, these diseases had been largely cured, and were virtually eradicated in mainland China.
There were four main reasons for the success of New China's ban on prostitution. First, the policy of reforming prostitutes was targeted and effective. Prostitutes were both vulnerable women suffering from great hardship and depraved vagrants, embodying the dual qualities that evoked both sympathy and disgust. Based on this correct analysis, the government adhered to a policy of combining compulsory reform with educational assistance, implementing three measures: curing venereal diseases, providing employment, and arranging marriages. Furthermore, a ruthless crackdown was implemented against the prostitution system's agents—brothel owners and madams—which led to the rapid dismantling of the system. Second, the broader social environment fostered healthy social trends. At the beginning of the founding of the People's Republic of China, the people possessed an unprecedented sense of ownership and were filled with an extremely high revolutionary enthusiasm for building socialism. Party members and cadres set an example, fostering a healthy, fresh, and pure social atmosphere throughout society. Third, social management was rigorous. Continuous political campaigns created strong social pressure, which strengthened the ideological integration mechanism. A unified value system and pure moral values were deeply rooted in the hearts of the people and accepted by the vast majority of society. Unmarried sex was surrounded by strong moral condemnation. It was not only a personal issue but also directly affected the political future and career development of members of society. This made people cautious in their social lives, hesitant to easily step out of line. Fourth, commodity consciousness was weak. Since the founding of the People's Republic of China, a planned economy system had been established, and commodity economic activities had been significantly weakened. This led to a strong sense of distribution among members of society, while fading the sense of exchange. All of this deprived prostitution of the economic and social conditions it needed to survive, and it was virtually extinct in mainland China.
3. Resurgence
"When the economy faces difficult times, all thoughts and energy must be devoted to the primary task of economic recovery and reconstruction. Sexual activity, especially that unrelated to reproduction, becomes, like other entertainment and idle pursuits, incompatible with the harsh times. Economic prosperity, however, eliminates the need for self-restraint. As people pursue material satisfaction and a rich lifestyle, their sexual needs are also tacitly satisfied." (Kechadourian, 1989: 556-557) People's sexual needs are closely related to social and economic development.
In the early 1980s, sexual deviance resurfaced in mainland China. At that time, a sex consumption market dominated by Hong Kong and Taiwan businessmen emerged, and sex trafficking began to take hold in coastal cities such as Guangzhou and Shenzhen. By 1983, prostitution had emerged in major cities across China, reaching a new peak in 1986. After 1987, sex trafficking rapidly spread from cities to rural towns. According to statistics from the Public Security Bureau of the Ministry of Public Security, in 1984, 12,201 sex workers were investigated and punished nationwide. In 1989, the number exceeded 100,000, in 1991, it exceeded 200,000, and in 1992, it was more than 240,000 (China Law Yearbook, 1993), a 20-fold increase over 1984. In the eight years, a total of more than 860,000 sex workers were investigated and punished. It is estimated that only 25% to 30% of the actual number of offenders were found and punished, that is, 1 million to 1.3 million people engaged in sex trade nationwide each year, which has developed into a serious social problem (Xu Hu, 1993). From 1991 to 1995, a total of 1.533 million sex workers were investigated and punished nationwide, 32,000 prostitution gangs with 143,000 members were seized, 30,000 prostitution dens were destroyed, and more than 170,000 sex workers were detained and educated [1]. According to the China Statistical Yearbook, in 1998, public security organs nationwide handled 189,972 cases of sex trafficking, of which 189,452 were handled. In 1999, they handled 216,660 cases, of which 215,128 were handled. In 2000, they handled 225,693 cases, of which 222,132 were investigated and handled. In 2001, they handled 242,053 cases, of which 239,461 were investigated and handled. However, experts estimate that the number of cases actually handled and handled accounts for less than one-tenth of the total number. This means that in recent years, at least two million people have been involved in sex trafficking each year. A 2003 report presented by the World Health Organization at the "100% Condom Use Seminar" stated that there were six million sex workers in China (cited in Gao Ying, 2013). Because the sex market is an inter-individual transaction, it is characterized by concealment. Sex trafficking is considered a violation of public order in my country, and both parties involved in the transaction tend to maintain secrecy. Statistics based on investigated and prosecuted cases only reveal the extent of sex trafficking, not the actual number of transactions. The actual number of sex trafficking activities is far greater than the number investigated and prosecuted.
The severity of sexual deviance can also be gauged from its twin, stubborn disease: sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). According to health department monitoring statistics, STDs have increased at a rate of 46.6% since 1980. By the end of June 1992, over 720,000 cases of STDs were reported nationwide. Because STDs are considered "dirty diseases," there are significant under-reported cases (those who do not seek medical treatment at health departments and therefore cannot be counted). It is estimated that this under-reported number represents three-quarters of the actual number of STD cases, meaning that the number of STD cases could reach 2.9 million. According to a sample survey conducted by the public security department, 70% of prostitutes and clients contract STDs through prostitution. Based on this, the number of people involved in the sex trade could reach 4.1 million (Xu Hu, 1993). While this estimate is certainly not entirely accurate, it is undeniable that a significant number of people are involved in sexually deviant behavior, making it the most prominent of China's "six social evils." From 1996 to 2002, results from Kunming's STD surveillance sites showed a significant increase in STD incidence, at an average annual rate of 86.48%. In 2002, the STD incidence in Kunming was 141.13 per 100,000 people, and in the two urban districts it was 409.61 per 100,000 people, approaching that of developed cities like Shanghai and Guangzhou. The HIV infection rate among high-risk female populations was 1.83%, and the STD prevalence rate was 43.7% (Cui Ming, 2006). The syphilis incidence rate increased from less than 0.2 cases per 100,000 people in 1993 to nearly 30 cases per 100,000 people, a nearly 150-fold increase in 20 years. Among the 28 legally recognized infectious diseases in my country, syphilis and gonorrhea ranked third and fourth in incidence, after viral hepatitis and tuberculosis. Furthermore, sexual transmission has surpassed drug use and blood transfusions as the primary route of HIV transmission in my country (Chaoyang, 2014).
Pan Suiming, director of the Institute of Sexual Sociology at Renmin University of China, conducted a stratified, random sampling questionnaire survey of three coastal cities in southern my country while investigating China's underground "sex industry." The survey found that 1.69% of people in these three cities admitted to giving money or valuable gifts to someone outside their marriage for sex. Another 0.68% admitted to receiving money or other valuables for sex outside their marriage. Based on these figures, approximately 4 million people nationwide engage in this type of activity (Pan Suiming, 1995: 575-576). This estimate roughly aligns with data on sexually transmitted diseases. While sex workers are primarily women, some men also engage in this activity. The Guangdong Youth Research Center has released its first survey report on the basic conditions of the post-80s generation. The survey results show that 5.2% of people reported having had sex with "sex workers", of which the highest proportion was 8.5% among working young people (Zhu Xiaoyong, 2009). Young people have an increasingly open and tolerant attitude towards sexual relations. The main characteristics of current sex trade activities are as follows. (1) The generalization and focus of activity areas. Sex trade activities have spread from the coast to the inland, from cities to rural areas, and there is no gap in any place. Some areas are particularly rampant, such as large cities in the coastal and border open areas of Guangdong, Hainan, Fujian, and Guangxi, and the urban and rural areas of the two inland provinces of Sichuan and Hunan are also relatively prominent. The amount of sex trade activities investigated and dealt with in these areas accounts for about 50% of the country. Due to the relatively developed economy, high degree of openness and relatively lax management in the southern coastal areas, a large number of women have been attracted to "dig for gold". On February 9, 2014, CCTV's "Focus Interview" broadcast "The Uncontrollable "Dongguan-style Service". CCTV's undercover investigation found that illegal prostitution venues in Dongguan can be openly operated without police investigation and even calling the police is useless. But what is more worrying is that among the Internet's big Vs (referring to Weibo opinion leaders with verified identities), many people support prostitution and even call for the absurd slogan "I want to be a Dongguan person tonight." Sex trade has a broad market and considerable social support.
(2) Professionalization and diversification of personnel structure. Today's FSWs are different from the prostitutes in the old society who were forced to become "fireworks" due to life pressures. Most of them voluntarily choose sex trade and regard it as a means of making a living or a career to get rich. Among the FSWs seized, rural women and unemployed women in cities are the main sex workers. The composition of sex consumers has developed from mainly foreigners to individual business owners, contractors, buyers, long-distance bus drivers, migrant workers, and then to people from all walks of life and various groups from society.
(3) Diversification and semi-publicity of activity locations. Sex trade activities have developed from individual private stays to hooking up in public places, door-to-door sales and teasing, and even blatant solicitation in a semi-public state. Many FSWs and pimps openly solicit customers in public places such as stations, docks, dance halls, and theaters. The locations of sex transactions have evolved from hotels, large restaurants, and cultural and entertainment venues in the past to small and medium-sized hotels, guesthouses, hair salons, saunas, beauty parlors, and private homes, rental houses, and roadside shops in urban and rural areas. Some entertainment and leisure service venues, under the guise of "health care" and "massage", engage in illegal and criminal activities such as organizing, luring, harboring, and introducing prostitution, and even forcing underage girls into prostitution. The time of day has changed from being mainly active at night to being mainly active during the day. Many FSWs use various legal identities as a cover and are rented out for a long time, appearing as secretaries, office managers, public relations, tour guides, goddaughters, nannies, etc. (4) Organization of activities. In order to evade crackdowns by public security organs, they adopt various methods. Some rent private houses in the suburbs. After the two parties in the sex transaction meet, they immediately take a taxi to the transaction. Some adopt the method of establishing long-term relationships, accumulating lists and addresses of buyers and sellers, and using modern communication tools such as telephones and mobile phones to contact them, with FSWs providing door-to-door services. Some individual nouveau riche, company managers, and overseas consumers hire prostitutes for long-term stays under the guise of hiring personal secretaries or dating. Many gangs have developed from FSWs into single-sex gangs, which have become professional organizations with strict organization, specific divisions, and each doing its own job, integrating prostitutes, sex consumers, pimps, and pimps. Underworld forces also use FSWs as cash cows, extorting them and acting as their umbrella. (5) Networking of contact methods. After the advent of the Internet, there is no longer a need for fixed places to contact customers. One only needs to send messages online to find people who are willing to pay for sexual services. Due to the convenience and concealment of online communication, many prostitution gangs directly set up "dating" websites on the Internet, making prostitution marketing online. A large number of solicitation messages with photos of naked women have appeared on message boards such as QQ, chat rooms, forums, blogs, and Weibo. Because the cost of posting information is low, the volume of messages sent daily is enormous, reaching a wide audience. Some messages are proactively sent to users' email addresses or mobile phones. By 2013, with the widespread adoption of WeChat, its "Shake" function was being used directly by both prostitutes and buyers, making sex transactions more convenient and covert.
Sex trafficking, a negative phenomenon emerging from social transformation, seriously corrupts social morals, disrupts social order, undermines family harmony, and even encourages other criminal activities and contributes to the spread of sexually transmitted diseases. While we morally condemn this phenomenon, we must also observe it calmly, with a scientific perspective, and think rationally. Sex trafficking can be explained from psychological and physiological perspectives, but as a collective deviant behavior, its true causes lie in the changing social structure.
Event Link: Guangdong Anti-Pornography Campaign
On the morning of June 12, 2014, the Guangdong Provincial Public Security Department held a press conference on a special campaign to combat and rectify pornography-related crimes. Since February 10th, the Guangdong Provincial Public Security Department has mobilized public security organs across the province to launch a concentrated campaign to combat and rectify pornography-related issues. As of June 10th, the province had solved 1,121 pornography-related criminal cases, dismantled 214 pornography-related gangs, and detained 3,033 individuals, including 1,497 profiteers, operators, and organizers. All 35 major pornography-related cases under the Guangdong Provincial Public Security Department's supervision have been successfully solved. During the campaign, over 947,000 venues of all types were inspected across the province, and 3,553 illegal and irregular venues were investigated and dealt with. Of these, 269 were shut down, 19 had their licenses revoked, 3,129 were suspended for rectification, and 180 received fines or other penalties. Simultaneously, a comprehensive campaign was launched to rectify online pornography-related issues, including the removal of over 1,200 pornographic websites and columns and the disposal of over one million pornographic YY voice and mobile phone numbers.
